Review: Volume 31 - Military History

Review: Volume 31 - Military History


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From the Korean War to the current conflict in Iraq, Paying the Human Costs of War examines the ways in which the American public decides whether to support the use of military force. Contrary to the conventional view, the authors demonstrate that the public does not respond reflexively and solely to the number of casualties in a conflict. Instead, the book argues that the public makes reasoned and reasonable cost-benefit calculations for their continued support of a war based on the justifications for it and the likelihood it will succeed, along with the costs that have been suffered in casualties. Of these factors, the book finds that the most important consideration for the public is the expectation of success. If the public believes that a mission will succeed, the public will support it even if the costs are high. When the public does not expect the mission to succeed, even small costs will cause the withdrawal of support. Providing a wealth of new evidence about American attitudes toward military conflict, Paying the Human Costs of War offers insights into a controversial, timely, and ongoing national discussion.


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Collection inventory

Hanson Weightman Baldwin (1903-1991) was a Pulitzer Prize-winning American author and military historian. He was born March 22, 1903, in Baltimore, Maryland, the son of Oliver Perry and Caroline Sutton Baldwin. His father was managing editor and editorial writer for the Baltimore Sun. Baldwin attended the Boys' Latin School in Baltimore and graduated from the United States Naval Academy at Annapolis in 1924. After serving aboard battleships and a destroyer, he resigned from the Navy in 1927 and became a reporter for the Baltimore Sun the following year. He joined the New York Times two days before the 1929 stock market crash and was appointed its military editor in 1937.

Baldwin traveled throughout Europe in the 1930's, reporting on the buildup of the German war machine and the military preparedness of other European nations. Before the United States entered World War II, he was invited to lecture soldiers about military and political problems. His coverage of the war in the Western Pacific won him a Pulitzer Prize in 1943, and he was present during many other important campaigns, including the Normandy invasion. Syracuse University's School of Journalism awarded him a medal for distinguished service in 1944, and he received an honorary doctorate from Drake University in 1945.

After the war, Baldwin concentrated on military-political problems and the organization of the United States military for the atomic age. He covered atomic bomb tests, the Korean conflict, the Suez crisis, and the war in Vietnam before his retirement in 1968.

In addition to his work for the Times, Baldwin contributed articles to such publications as Aviation, Foreign Affairs, Harper's, National Review, Reader's Digest, and Saturday Evening Post. He also wrote or edited nineteen books, including United We Stand!: Defense of the Western Hemisphere (1941), The Great Arms Race: A Comparison of U.S. and Soviet Power Today (1958), World War I: An Outline History (1962), Battles Lost and Won: Great Campaigns of World War II (1966), and The Crucial Years: 1939-1941 (1976). He wrote, but never published, a biography of John Shirley "Tiger Jack" Wood (1888-1966), an American Major General and commander of the 4th Armored Division. Wood was a close friend of General Patton, a brilliant commander who has been called "the American Rommel." ( Patton: a Genius for War, Carlo d'Este, p. 631).

Baldwin married Helen Bruce of Springfield, Ohio, in 1931, and the couple had two daughters. The Baldwins moved to Roxbury, Connecticut, after his retirement from the Times.

Scope and Contents of the Collection

The Hanson Baldwin Papers are entirely related to Baldwin's work on a biography of Major General John Shirley Wood, concentrating on the military leader's experiences during World War II. The papers consist of correspondence, manuscripts, and miscellaneous material.

Correspondence includes letters from those who served with General Wood, including one from former President Dwight D. Eisenhower, and correspondence with Wood's widow and son about the unsuccessful efforts to find a publisher. Letters from publishers explain their reasons for rejecting the manuscript they felt there was no current market for military biographies and recommended Baldwin find a small publisher specializing in military material. Some correspondence between Baldwin and General Wood has been copied from the John Shirley Wood Papers.

Manuscripts contains the final version of the manuscript for Baldwin's unpublished biography of General Wood, a rough draft, and a draft fragment. Miscellaneous contains some notes relating to the manuscript and several published items containing articles about General Wood.

Arrangement of the Collection

Correspondence is arranged alphabetically.

Restrictions

Access Restrictions

The majority of our archival and manuscript collections are housed offsite and require advanced notice for retrieval. Researchers are encouraged to contact us in advance concerning the collection material they wish to access for their research.

Use Restrictions

Written permission must be obtained from SCRC and all relevant rights holders before publishing quotations, excerpts or images from any materials in this collection.

Related Material

Special Collections Research Center has related material (books, pamphlets, serials and other items) which are cataloged in the Rare Books Collection. Please be sure to search the Classic Catalog for these related materials.


Military casualties and exchange rates during the First World War: did the Eastern Front matter? †

We thank three anonymous referees and the editor of the journal for helpful comments and ideas for improving the article. We are also grateful to George Hall for sharing his dataset and for friendly email correspondence. We wish to thank the participants of the economic history session of the Royal Economic Society Conference 2016 New York University's Colloquium on Market Institutions and Economic Processes, especially Mario J. Rizzo and J. Huston McCullock Rutgers University's Money, History and Finance Workshop, especially Michael Bordo, Hugh Rockoff, and Eugene White as well as George Mason University's Philosophy, Politics, and Economics Workshop for discussing our article. We further thank Menzie Chinn, Jan Möller, and Jorge Pérez for helpful comments and suggestions. Finally, we wish to thank Philipp Rößler and Verena Plümpe for excellent research assistance and David Burnett for translating the quotations from the Neue Zürcher Zeitung.

Abstract

Although the First World War was ultimately decided in the west, historians have emphasized the importance of the often ‘forgotten’ Eastern Front in understanding its complex evolution. This article examines the perception of contemporary foreign exchange traders concerning the relative importance of the Eastern Front over time. Using a newly compiled dataset on prisoners of war and on soldiers killed and wounded, we show that traders were concerned with casualties on both fronts, recognizing the significance of the two-front war in the early war years. From the autumn of 1916 onwards, traders seemed to believe the key to winning the war lay in the west only.


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In: Harvard Law Review , Vol. 118, No. 2, 01.12.2004, p. 643-776.

Research output : Contribution to journal › Review article › peer-review

T1 - Article I tribunals, Article III courts, and the judicial power of the United States

N2 - We lack an entirely convincing account of the scope of Congress's power under the Constitution to create Article I tribunals and invest them with authority to adjudicate disputes that seemingly come within the scope of Article III. The literal terms of Article III appear to rule out reliance upon Article I tribunals altogether Article III vests the judicial power of the United States in federal courts whose judges enjoy salary and tenure protections that were designed to ensure judicial independence in a scheme of separated powers. Yet Article I tribunals have grown up and flourished throughout the nation's history. This institutional history of Article I adjudication demonstrates the need for an alternative to literalism, but none of the competitors resolves the problem. The balancing test currently preferred by the Supreme Court acknowledges some role for Article I tribunals but fails to provide clear guidelines as to when Congress may sidestep Article III. A more promising academic theory - the appellate review account - emphasizes the need for appellate review in constitutional courts as the key to legitimate Article I adjudication. While this theory offers greater coherence, it does not fit especially well with some features of our institutional history and it would seemingly authorize some arrangements that depart dramatically from current law. Professor Pfander develops a new "inferior tribunals" account. Building on the constitutional distinction between "inferior tribunals" (in Article I) and "inferior courts" (in Article III), he suggests a new textual foundation for Article I tribunals. In particular, he contends that Congress may constitute inferior tribunals to hear matters that it has structured to fall outside the judicial power of the United States under Article III. Such non-Article III matters have traditionally included a range of familiar proceedings: public rights claims (because the lack of finality precluded judicial involvement) court-martial proceedings (which were assigned to the military for handling outside Article III) and local matters before territorial courts (matters understood to require rules of law different from those that Article HI courts were expected to enforce). Professor Pfander further suggests that the constitutional basis for Article I tribunals requires that the tribunals remain inferior to the judicial department of the United States. This inferiority requirement draws support not only from the text of Article I, but also from an institutional history that features widespread judicial oversight of Article I adjudication. The judicial department has preserved the inferiority of Article I tribunals with a variety of tools, including habeas corpus, mandamus, and officer suit litigation. While the inferior tribunals account does not demand appellate review in every case, it does secure the Supreme Court's role as the final arbiter of the legality of adjudication before Article I tribunals.

AB - We lack an entirely convincing account of the scope of Congress's power under the Constitution to create Article I tribunals and invest them with authority to adjudicate disputes that seemingly come within the scope of Article III. The literal terms of Article III appear to rule out reliance upon Article I tribunals altogether Article III vests the judicial power of the United States in federal courts whose judges enjoy salary and tenure protections that were designed to ensure judicial independence in a scheme of separated powers. Yet Article I tribunals have grown up and flourished throughout the nation's history. This institutional history of Article I adjudication demonstrates the need for an alternative to literalism, but none of the competitors resolves the problem. The balancing test currently preferred by the Supreme Court acknowledges some role for Article I tribunals but fails to provide clear guidelines as to when Congress may sidestep Article III. A more promising academic theory - the appellate review account - emphasizes the need for appellate review in constitutional courts as the key to legitimate Article I adjudication. While this theory offers greater coherence, it does not fit especially well with some features of our institutional history and it would seemingly authorize some arrangements that depart dramatically from current law. Professor Pfander develops a new "inferior tribunals" account. Building on the constitutional distinction between "inferior tribunals" (in Article I) and "inferior courts" (in Article III), he suggests a new textual foundation for Article I tribunals. In particular, he contends that Congress may constitute inferior tribunals to hear matters that it has structured to fall outside the judicial power of the United States under Article III. Such non-Article III matters have traditionally included a range of familiar proceedings: public rights claims (because the lack of finality precluded judicial involvement) court-martial proceedings (which were assigned to the military for handling outside Article III) and local matters before territorial courts (matters understood to require rules of law different from those that Article HI courts were expected to enforce). Professor Pfander further suggests that the constitutional basis for Article I tribunals requires that the tribunals remain inferior to the judicial department of the United States. This inferiority requirement draws support not only from the text of Article I, but also from an institutional history that features widespread judicial oversight of Article I adjudication. The judicial department has preserved the inferiority of Article I tribunals with a variety of tools, including habeas corpus, mandamus, and officer suit litigation. While the inferior tribunals account does not demand appellate review in every case, it does secure the Supreme Court's role as the final arbiter of the legality of adjudication before Article I tribunals.


The norms that uphold democratic values are a vital part of a healthy system of civil-military relations, but they are not well understood in the United States today. Ancient political philosophers, however, developed rich analyses of what norms are and how&hellip

What is a Roundtable?

Roundtables are where we get to hear from multiple experts on either a subject matter or a recently published book. These collections of essays allow for detailed debates and discussions from a variety of viewpoints so that we can deeply explore a given topic or book.


Review of my A History of the Second World War in 100 Maps by A.A. Nofi for the Strategy Page website

Best crime fiction for late spring. Piece for The Critic.

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The Lantern of History: Essays in Honour of Jeremy Black – Edited by Ric Berman and William Gibson. Find out more.


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Jonathan Lee’s “The Great Mistake” breathes gorgeous life into Andrew Haswell Green, a possibly closeted civic leader who founded great institutions.

AMC Networks has acquired the rights to 18 of Anne Rice’s book titles to adapt into a series for AMC+ and AMC premiering in 2022.

Alexandra Huynh of Sacramento was recently chosen to be the second national youth poet laureate. The 18-year-old is dedicated to social change.

Late in his novel, “Real Life,” Brandon Taylor breached the scrim between himself and what he wanted to describe. In “Filthy Animals,” there is no scrim.

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Village Well Books & Coffee opened in L.A.'s worst pandemic month, on a famously doomed corner. For owner Jennifer Caspar, it was all a lucky break.

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Congressman Ted Lieu introduced the 21st Century Federal Writers’ Project act on May 6. It all started with an article by David Kipen in the L.A. Times

Several businesses in Southern California have published books about themselves to tap another revenue source after a disastrous year.

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The nation’s overlapping crises have sparked the notion that audiences want to be uplifted, more than anything else. I disagree.

ER doctor Michele Harper and filmmaker Rodrigo Garcia join Times readers this summer.

Quinta Brunson’s memoir, ‘She Memes Well,’ chronicles her rise to viral fame in the entertainment industry despite not really being into the internet.

Emma Brodie’s “Songs in Ursa Major” fictionalizes the rise of Joni Mitchell, resisting the lure of cliché to craft fiction that stands on its own.

Will Smith will publish “Will,” a memoir co-written by Mark Manson, in November through Penguin Press.

Longtime New Yorker writer and author Janet Malcolm, who died Wednesday, was known for her challenging critiques on a wide range of subjects.

Trader Joe founder Joe Coulombe, who died last year, wrote a long, entertaining history of one of L.A.'s most iconic chains. Now you can read it.

See, hear and interact with world-class authors and newsmakers

July 29: Filmmaker Rodrigo Garcia discusses “A Farewell to Gabo and Mercedes” with editor Steve Padilla. 6 p.m. PT. Sign up.

June 29: Michele Harper discusses “The Beauty in Breaking” with reporter Marissa Evans. 6 p.m. PT. Sign up.

May 27: Charles Yu (“Interior Chinatown”) in conversation with film critic Justin Chang. Watch.

April 21: Former President Barack Obama shares “A Promised Land” with filmmaker Ava DuVernay. Watch .

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Feb. 24: Charlotte McConaghy discusses her eco-thriller “Migrations.” Watch.

Jan. 25: Lisa See shares stories behind “The Island of Sea Women.” Watch.

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Review: Volume 31 - Military History - History

http://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/book/?GCOI=80140100952780 Architects of Occupation exposes t. more http://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/book/?GCOI=80140100952780

Architects of Occupation exposes the wartime origins of occupation policy and broader plans for postwar Japan. It considers the role of presidents, bureaucrats, think tanks, media men (and a few women), and Congress in policy making. It contributes a new facet to the substantial literature on the occupation, serves as a case study in foreign policy analysis, and tells a surprising new story about World War Two.

http://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/book/?GCOI=80140100952780 Architects of Occupation exposes t. more http://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/book/?GCOI=80140100952780

Architects of Occupation exposes the wartime origins of occupation policy and broader plans for postwar Japan. It considers the role of presidents, bureaucrats, think tanks, media men (and a few women), and Congress in policy making. It contributes a new facet to the substantial literature on the occupation, serves as a case study in foreign policy analysis, and tells a surprising new story about World War Two.

The attack on Pearl Harbor demonstrated that conflicts in “remote corners of the world” could bec. more The attack on Pearl Harbor demonstrated that conflicts in “remote corners of the world” could become threats to the United States, a fact that Americans were reminded of on September 11, 2001. However, this shocking event had less of an impact on the worldviews of the Asia experts who would become involved in postwar planning for Japan than it did for their compatriots.

This paper examined the responses of future postwar planners to the attack on Pearl Harbor. Unlike the broadly-isolationist American public, these men were already internationalists and supported expanding America’s role in the Asia Pacific. They had been grappling with responses to Japanese aggression for several years in the State Department and informal study groups, so that the strike was not for them a “bolt out of the blue.” Because of their long experience with Japan or China, they were largely insulated from the race hate John Dower so eloquently captured in War Without Mercy. The paper will demonstrate that the event galvanized experts in universities and think tanks into public service, and reflect on the experience of the American diplomatic staff interned in Tokyo by a sudden declaration of war.


Revolution: The Human Future

In the twentieth century, revolutions were as much a product of resistance to imperialism as of class struggle. They most often broke out, as Lenin observed, in the “weak links” of the imperialist world system. 34 Inevitably, they were met with counterrevolution organized by the great powers of the capitalist core. Even a small uprising was likely to be seen as a threat to world capitalist rule, and was usually crushed with brutal force, as in Ronald Reagan’s massive 1983 invasion of the tiny island of Grenada, or the covert war against the Sandinistas in Nicaragua. The dominant ideology invariably blames the enormous human cost of this warfare on the revolutions themselves, rather than on imperialist counterrevolutions, which are rapidly erased from historical memory.

In 1970, MR editors Harry Magdoff and Paul Sweezy were invited to the inauguration of Chilean President Salvador Allende, who had been democratically elected as the head of a Popular Unity government, which promised to introduce socialism in Chile, starting with the nationalization of U.S. corporate assets in the country’s major industries. Magdoff and Sweezy were longtime friends of Allende’s, and their analysis at the time of his inauguration focused on the dangers arising from the close connections between the United States and the Chilean military, suggesting the strong likelihood of a military coup to be sponsored by Washington and carried out by Chile’s praetorian guard. Imperialism, they warned, respects no rule of law where challenges to the existing order are concerned. And indeed, a bloody seizure of power, led by General Augusto Pinochet and engineered by the United States, occurred three years later, taking the life of Allende and thousands of others. 35

All of this reaffirms the historical truth that there can be no socialist revolution—however it should arise—that is not also forced to confront the reality of counterrevolution. Indeed, in judging revolution and counterrevolution over the last century, particular stress must be put on the strength and virulence of the counterrevolution. The struggles and errors of the revolutionists are only to be seen in the context of this wider historical dialectic.

From history textbooks to the mainstream news media, the dominant ideology in the West today presents the Russian Revolution of 1917 as an utter failure from beginning to end. The USSR, we are told, collapsed under the weight of its own internal inefficiencies and irremediable defects—though these accounts often claim almost in the same breath that it was U.S. power and military might that “won” the Cold War. It is undeniable that the history of the USSR was rife with historical tragedies and social and economic contradictions. Much of the enormous human potential that the Russian Revolution unleashed was exhausted in the devastating Civil War—in which the White Russian forces were directly supported by troops and arms from the West. The Soviet Union later fell prey to Joseph Stalin’s extreme collectivization and brutal purges. 36

Nevertheless, the USSR over its history also underwent extraordinary industrial development, the conditions of the working class generally improved, and the population enjoyed certain economic securities lacking elsewhere. It was the Soviet Union that saved the West in the Second World War, beginning with the dramatic defeat of the Wehrmacht at Stalingrad—the turning point of the war—and the victorious westward march of the Red Army (though the war also took a huge toll: the USSR lost more than twenty million people). The Soviet Union’s very existence inspired movements for human liberation in the third world. With the growth of the Soviet bloc and the region’s economic and technological accomplishments, the position of the USSR in the world seemed secure well into the 1970s. Its central planning system, despite certain inefficiencies and a tendency to degenerate into an overly bureaucratized command economy, offered a new and in many ways successful approach to economic and social development in noncapitalist terms.

But the USSR failed to carry forward the socialist revolution. The postrevolutionary society that emerged generated its own bureaucratic ruling class, the nomenklatura, which had arisen from the inequities of the system. The USSR’s stubborn refusal to allow independent development in Eastern Europe (albeit viewed as a necessary buffer zone against Western invasion) was made clear in the Soviet invasions of Hungary in 1956 and Czechoslovakia in 1968. 37

In the end, the USSR lost its inner dynamism, relying too much on extensive (the forced drafting of labor and resources) rather than intensive development (dynamic productivity from technological innovation and the unleashing of creative forces). It was exhausted by a decades-long military, political, and economic contest with the West, forced to compete in a massive arms race that it could ill afford. 38 For all their superficial promise, Mikhail Gorbachev’s misconceived and indeed disastrous glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring) policies massively undid the system, rather than reforming it. Although the loss of Eastern Europe, symbolically marked by the fall of the Berlin Wall, contributed to this unraveling, it was the Soviet nomenklatura that proved to be the system’s final undoing, as numerous representatives of the Soviet power elite and a corrupted privileged intelligentsia, in alliance with Boris Yeltsin and the West, chose to dissolve the post-revolutionary state from above—believing that their own individual and class interests would be better promoted under capitalism. 39

Yet in spite of all of this, the experience of the USSR, as the first major socialist break with the capitalist system, continues to inspire and to inform revolution in the twenty-first century. Hugo Chávez’s Bolivarian Revolution—though it took an entirely different form and is now itself imperiled by a counterrevolution supported by the United States—could hardly have been imagined without the Soviet example. 40 The USSR’s extraordinary economic, technological, and cultural achievements are not easily erased in the historical memory. 41

The world capitalist crisis of the late twentieth century eventually engulfed the core capitalist nations themselves as they sank from the 1970s on into economic stagnation—partly counteracted by the financialization of accumulation in the 1980s and 󈨞s, which, however, ended with the bursting of the housing bubble in 2007–09. With the full onset of stagnation since the Great Financial Crisis, the positions of the working class and lower-middle class in the advanced capitalist states have plummeted. Inequality has reached its highest level in history, both within nations and globally.

So severe is this seemingly endless crisis that it has destabilized the state within the core capitalist countries. The ruling classes of the various capitalist countries have responded to the growing popular disenchantment by resurrecting the radical right as a kind of ballast for stabilizing the system. Neoliberalism has thus partially given way to neofascism, or what may prove to be a neoliberal-neofascist (or center right/radical right) alliance. In the United States, science itself is rejected as a threat to capitalism, with climate-change denial now the official stance of the Trump White House. 42 The “destruction of reason” is thus complete. 43

Reactionary forces have of course gained the upper hand many times before in the history of the class struggle, only to give rise to new revolutionary waves. Commenting on the defeat of the 1848 revolutions in Europe, Engels observed in Germany: Revolution and Counter-Revolution:

A more signal defeat undergone by the continental revolutionary party—or rather parties—upon all points of the line of battle, cannot be imagined. But what of that?… Everyone knows nowadays that wherever there is a revolutionary convulsion, there must be some social want in the background, which is prevented, by outward institutions, from satisfying itself…. If, then, we have been beaten, we have nothing else to do but to begin again from the beginning. 44

Although the historical conditions have been transformed many times over, these sentiments still ring true. Given today’s ever more desperate need for social change, it is necessary “to begin again from the beginning,” creating a new, more revolutionary socialism for the twenty-first century. Massive, democratic, egalitarian, ecological, revolutionary change in both center and periphery represents the only truly human future. The alternative is the death of all humanity.


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